Orbán's Fall: Hungary Proves Accountability Wins
The nurse who gets up at five in the morning to drive forty minutes to a shift — she is not thinking about Viktor Orbán.
The nurse who gets up at five in the morning to drive forty minutes to a shift — she is not thinking about Viktor Orbán. But she should be, in the way that all of us who live inside systems built to serve someone else should be paying attention when those systems finally crack.
Hungary's Tisza government, 135 days into power, is doing something that most post-authoritarian transitions never quite manage: it is going backwards through the machinery. Former Fidesz ministers are now facing accountability proceedings. Not symbolic ones. Real ones, with paper trails and consequences. The dominoes, as EU Observer put it with rare editorial pleasure, are falling.
This matters for Malta not because our situation mirrors Budapest's — it doesn't, not entirely — but because the question underneath the Hungarian story is universal: what happens to the people who built the system when the system changes hands? The answer, for too long in too many small European states, has been: nothing. They retire. They sit on boards. They lunch.
What Hungary is demonstrating — haltingly, imperfectly, under enormous domestic pressure — is that accountability is a policy choice, not an inevitability. Someone has to decide to open the files. Someone has to decide that the ministers who signed off on the contracts, the licences, the appointments, will not simply walk into the next chapter untouched.
Meanwhile, in Brussels, economy ministers are maneuvering for greater control over the EU Emissions Trading System reform, and mining companies lobbying for a critical minerals budget are discovering that the European Commission's ears are less open than its press releases suggest. Forty-seven firms signed a joint letter requesting dedicated EU funding. They were, politely, declined. The gap between what industry wants from European green transition policy and what European institutions are willing to fund remains vast — and it is small and medium enterprises, again, who absorb the friction, as ministers this week also pushed to ease packaging waste compliance costs for SMEs before those regulations take full effect.
Iran has offered the United States a seven-day ceasefire and the possibility of reopening the Strait of Hormuz within a week. The Foreign Minister's proposal, conveyed through diplomatic channels, is being read in energy markets with the kind of attention that policy statements rarely command — because the Strait of Hormuz is not a political abstraction. It is the passage through which roughly a fifth of the world's oil moves, and its closure has already been felt in fuel prices across southern Europe, including here.
Lithuania's Prime Minister Mindaugas Sinkevicius told Deutsche Welle that Lithuanian skies are NATO skies — a statement of defiance that costs nothing to make and everything to mean. He is right that military spending alone cannot ensure security. He is also right that the countries most afraid of Russia are the ones who have been saying so the longest, and the ones Europe kept telling to calm down.
They were not wrong to be afraid. They were just early.